Turkey supports the idea of a multipolar world, as it positions itself as the leader of the Turkic pole with ambitions of imperial revisionism. The 12th Summit of the Organization of Turkic States (OTS) revealed new directions in the development of the Turkic pole.
OTS in the System of Pan-Turkic Security
The Gabala summit pivoted on regional security as arguably the main topic of discussion. The OTS, representing the modern Turkic world in the context of both internationally recognized and unrecognized states (aside from Turkey’s recognition of Northern Cyprus), embraces such regions as Southeast Europe (Hungary and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus), the Middle East (Turkey), the South Caucasus (Azerbaijan), and Western Turkestan / Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan). These regions are of great importance in Eurasia in terms of trade and international transit routes, natural resources, and demographic dynamics.
As far as the military-political sphere is concerned, the layout is as follows: Turkey and Hungary are NATO countries; Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are members of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO); Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan officially stick to neutrality and non-alignment.
As for economic unions, Hungary is an awkward member of the EU; Turkey has not abandoned its euro-integration strategy; Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are members of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU); the other OTS countries (Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) prefer bilateral trade-economic ties. Yet, the tendencies of economic globalization (at least, in the transit traffic and energy communications) do not bypass any of the Turkic countries.
OTS as a Fruit of the Doctrine of Pan-Turkism
The integration of the Turkic world and the formation of the OTS are rooted in the doctrines of Pan-Turkism and Pan-Turanism, which emerged during the crisis of the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the 19th century, with Great Britain involved, as a new direction of development of the Turkic world under the leadership of pro-Western Turkey. Initially, these doctrines targeted political and economic interests of Russia, Iran, and China.
The 20th century disproved the hopes of Turkey and its Western allies to implement Pan-Turkism / Pan-Turanism by means of military conflict with Russia. Turkey and Britain drew lessons from the past, placing their bets on a peaceful path of “undermining Russia” and incrementally laying the foundations of pan-Turkic integration (in cultural, economic, transport, communication, political, and military areas).
Evaluating the profundity of the geopolitical crisis in relations between Russia and the West, as well as the anti-Russian sanctions regime, Ankara pursues a flexible policy in order to attain its pragmatic economic and political interests.
The signing on August 8, 2025 in Washington of the agreement establishing the “Trump Road” (“Trump’s Path to Peace and Prosperity”) via Armenia implies opening the Zangezur corridor and new opportunities for pan-Turkic integration.
At the Gabala OTS summit, Azerbaijan, which positions itself as the leader of the South Caucasus after its military success in Nagorno-Karabakh and the deportation of the Armenian population, declared its demanding role as the connecting link of the Turkic world, since all the paths from Turkestan to Turkey and back run through Azerbaijani territory. Baku is propelling the process of forming the transport-logistics infrastructure of the OTS (Turan) from Central Asia into the South Caucasus and Turkey under the guise of the Middle Corridor project (or Trans-Caspian International Transport Corridor), aiming to link China and the EU. The Zangezur corridor, which provides for a direct connection of Turkey to Azerbaijan and Central Asia, is part of this project.
At the Gabala summit, President I. G. Aliyev emphasized the necessity to strengthen the OTS and to turn it into a global geopolitical player, as the Turkic world has already become a real, tangible factor in the system of regional security. According to the Azerbaijani leader, solidarity and coherence in diplomacy, economy, defense, and security are foreign policy priorities for all Turkic countries.
London’s and Washington’s plans to extract natural resources from Central Asia beg questions amid key players in Eurasia, which does not rule out colliding interests. Hence, the space of the Turkic world may well end up both in a zone of trade and economic flourishing and consolidation, and in the focus of instability.
Abstaining from abrupt steps capable of provoking a negative reaction from outside (for example, from China, Russia, or Iran), the Turkic summit in Gabala did not adopt decisions on forming a new military bloc. Nevertheless, within the framework of the OTS, a basis is already being laid for a future military organization. Turkey, being one of the oldest, crucial NATO members, performs as the main centre of generating cooperation between Turkic countries on defense and security issues, according to the standards and technologies of the North Atlantic Alliance.
Over the last three decades, Turkey has actively developed bilateral military cooperation with the Turkic post-Soviet countries (helping them to carry out military reform and build national armies, military-technical cooperation, personnel training, intelligence sharing, assisting the emergence of local defense systems, conducting joint military drills). Azerbaijan, in this regard, is a shining example, in light of the Karabakh conflict.
Evaluating internal contradictions within the NATO bloc system and the idea of forming a European bureau of NATO, Turkey, assisted by Great Britain, is trying to create under its own control an Asian bureau of NATO relying on Turkic countries. It is no accident that the former head of British intelligence MI6, Richard Moore, at a meeting with students of Azerbaijan’s ADA University in Baku in November 2024, recommended that Turkic states follow the example of the Anglo-Saxon organization “Anglosphere,” which provides for close political and military ties among Anglo-Saxon countries.
In Gabala, President Aliyev put forward the initiative of holding a joint military exercise of OTS countries in 2026, which will possibly be an indicator of their consolidation and a move in favour of collective security in the face of external challenges. Aliyev believes that while other regions of the world are engulfed by military conflicts, the Turkic states stand for regional security.
Will the Idea of a Military Organization of OTS Become Reality in the 21st Century?
As tensions in Azerbaijani-Russian relations were artificially escalated in summer 2025, Baku media widely discussed the idea of establishing a Turkish and Pakistani military base as a guarantee of security against an alleged external threat. However, the idea has not gone far enough, though it has still remained in the public field.
There is no doubt that Turkey will proceed with its consistent policy of building a strong Turan (including creating a military bloc). But Ankara knows how to take into account the international conjuncture and is capable of waiting in the wings.
The victory in Karabakh has made it obvious that part of Azerbaijan’s sovereignty was lost to Turkey. With the opening of the Zangezur corridor, which is of particular interest for all the OTS countries, a new stage of Turkic integration will set in and see reaching into Turan and absorbing Central Asia. Should Turkey, backed by the US and Great Britain, succeed in entering the Caspian Sea conflict-free, Eurasia will face new global contradictions. But Turan can hardly turn into a durable entity without military immunity—without shared intelligence and a common army. Such a prospect is unlikely to resonate with the geopolitical adversaries of Turan.
Alexander SVARANTS – PhD in Political Sciences, professor, Middle East countries expert
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