Within the framework of implementing the doctrine of neo-Pan-Turanism, Türkiye is the leader of the Organisation of Turkic States (OTS). Which changes might the format and list of members of this international structure undergo?
Is the OTS a consequence of the multipolar world or ‘Turkish globalism’?
Betting on a new ‘Gengiz’ era, i.e. militarily creating a Turan empire with the spread of Istanbul’s influence on the territory of the Russian Empire (Crimea, the Caucasus, the Volga region, the Ural region, Siberia and Turkestan), following the two world wars of the 20th century turned out to be erroneous. Türkiye, as in previous historical periods of military confrontation with Russia, lost.
However, the collapse of the USSR and the problems faced by Russia at the end of the 20th century inspired hope in the minds of Türkiye’s political elite that there was a historical opportunity to revive this strategy, but with a modernised idea of integration (cultural, economic, energy, transport, communication, institutional and military) of the Turkic world under the formula “One nation – several the Turkic states”.
Since the 19th century, the UK has been one of the external forces actively interested in the implementation of the geopolitical and geo-economic Turan project, which considered pan-Turanism as an integral part of London’s ‘Great Game’ against Russia so as to establish itself in Central Asia and control its natural resources. With the collapse of the USSR, the UK is returning to the strategy of the Great Game and the Turan project.
In 1994, it was London and its leading energy company British Petroleum that initiated the oil and gas ‘contracts of the century’ between the world’s leading companies and the government of Azerbaijan, which made it possible to ensure the geo-economic introduction of the UK and Türkiye to the South Caucasus, bypassing Russia.
Over the years, Türkiye has become the largest logistics hub for oil and gas supplies to the EU, and the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and sanctions have only strengthened this role.
In September, 1992, Milliyet newspaper editor Sami Kohen noted that “Türkiye is facing a historic mission…we must develop an imperial vision”.
Since 1992, Türkiye has undertaken a large-scale ethno-cultural, spiritual and educational expansion into the Turkic countries of the CIS (including opening Turkish educational institutions, e.g. lyceums, institutes, universities; forming non-governmental organisations; distributing branches of the Nurcular Islamic network organisation; inviting citizens of Turkic countries to study at their universities; hosting regular forums and events).
Simultaneously with cultural integration, Ankara initiated active business ties with the Turkic states, including forming joint ventures with key Turkish capital, introducing Turkish companies into leading sectors of local economies, participating in oil and gas projects and constructing communications infrastructure.
In military and political terms, Türkiye first and foremost supported the Turkic countries and peoples (Azerbaijan, Gagauzia, Crimean Tatars) in local conflicts. Active partnership was established between law enforcement agencies (e.g. the creation of the Conference of the Special Service Bodies of Turkic-Speaking States in May, 1998, the participation of the Institute of Turkish military advisers in ‘hot conflicts’ on the side of Azerbaijan, military and technical cooperation, assistance to military reforms and the formation of local armed forces according to NATO standards, joint military exercises, training and internships, cooperation in the military-industrial complex and modern military technologies, etc.). Currently, Türkiye is promoting the concept of a ‘Turanian Army’ as a sort of Asian (Turkic) bureau of NATO.
Politically, since 1992, Türkiye has initiated ‘Turkic kurultai’ (congresses) in various Turkic countries with the participation of senior officials and members of the government, where key issues of the international, regional and general Turkic agenda were discussed with the purpose of consolidating the Turkic peoples of the world.
In 1992, the step-by-step formation of institutional structures of common Turkic integration began. For example, TIKA (the Turkish International Cooperation and Development Agency, which later became an independent agency) was created under the Turkish Foreign Ministry. The Agency acted as the main developer and coordinator implementing plans for common Turkic integration.
In October, 2009, as the first major energy integration projects between Türkiye and Azerbaijan were being implemented, the ‘Turkic Commonwealth’ organisation was created in Nakhichevan at the next Turkic summit. Permanent membership in the organisation was held by Türkiye, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, while Turkmenistan, Hungary and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) were observer candidate states.
With the military success of the Turkish-Azerbaijani alliance in Nagorno-Karabakh in the autumn of 2020, six months later, on June 15, 2021, the Shusha Declaration on Allied Relations Between the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Republic of Türkiye (including militarily) was signed. It is open to the accession of other Turkic countries. Thus, in May, 2025, Uzbekistan joined this declaration at the OTS Budapest Summit.
In November, 2021, at the pan-Turkic forum in Istanbul, the ‘Turkic Commonwealth’ was transformed into an international organisation of Turkic states, which included Türkiye, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan as permanent members, and Turkmenistan, Hungary and the TRNC as candidates. Within the framework of the OTS, several institutions of Turkic integration were created (for example the Parliamentary Assembly, the Turkic Academy, the Turkic Development Bank, TÜRKSOY etc.).
The official goal of the OTS is to ensure comprehensive cooperation between Turkic states and peoples. In reality, the OTS serves the ambitious interests of Turkish globalism, i.e. the transformation of the Turkic world into an independent pole of regional and global politics under the leadership of Türkiye, acting as a connecting bridge between Europe and Turkic Asia. The OTS is not at all just a mass of unrealised plans and declarations, but is rather the result of systematic diplomacy and the phased implementation of the doctrine of neo-Pan-Turanism with the key role of the ‘Turkish axis’.
Türkiye is trying to adapt flexibly to the current situation to increase its status and importance on the world stage, establish itself geopolitically and geo-economically in the post-Soviet South, strengthen its own independence and transform itself into a global player. The OTS has come to reflect the ideas of Turkish revanchism and globalism in the multipolar world system.
Will the OTS expand?
As is known, on May 28 this year, the Karabakh city of Lachin bore witness to a remarkable event, namely the summit of the heads of Azerbaijan, Türkiye and Pakistan, dedicated to the 107th anniversary of Azerbaijan’s independence and the opening of the Lachin Airport.
Following the Lachin meeting, Turkish President Erdogan stated that he expects a peace treaty between Azerbaijan and Armenia to be signed in the near future, which would open the ‘Zangezur Corridor’ for integration with the Turkic world and have a positive impact on regional security. In addition, in Lachin, Erdogan confirmed the alliance of Türkiye, Azerbaijan and the rest of the Turkic states with Pakistan (that is, the 170 million-strong Turkish Republic plus the 280 million-strong Pakistan).
In other words, a 450 million-strong market with nuclear weapons, a NATO army, rich natural resources (including oil, gas, uranium, cotton, gold, rare earths metals etc.) and control of strategic communications (sea, land, air, energy) arises as a competitor in the southern part of the Eurasian continent.
Türkiye is promising neighbouring Iran economic dividends from the opening of the Zangezur Corridor, with an annual trade turnover worth trillions, and is proposing for Iran not to resist the new Turkic union. Türkiye plans to act as a bridge between China’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ project, the OTS and Europe. Türkiye is offering Russia to accept the OTS’ eastward expansion and to integrate the North-South project with the Zangezur Corridor.
The expansion of the OTS clearly presupposes gas-rich Turkmenistan’ entry into the organisation as a permanent member, also being an important partner of Hungary, the symbolic TRNC formation and nuclear Pakistan. In the longer term, Ankara may not rule out including the independent Crimean Tatar Crimea, Gagauzia, Tatarstan, Bashkortostan and other Turkic entities of the Russian Federation in the OTS (unless, of course, Türkiye manages to ‘take away’ these territories from Russia, which, as history shows, it is unlikely to happen).
In the event of the military defeat of Iran and the collapse of the Iranian territorial integrity, such plans do not exclude so-called South Azerbaijan. Picturing the Uyghur Xinjiang (East Turkestan) as part of the OTS is an even more distant dream of the Turanists.
Ankara is sabotaging Moscow’s initiative
Since the formation of the OTS, Russia, which is home to numerous Turkic peoples with their own national formations (republics and autonomies), has proposed to consider the Russian Federation as an observer country in the pan-Turkic organisation. In response, unreasonable conditions for Russia were put forth in Turkic media (for example considering Russia’s application if it recognises Tatar as a state language).
Meanwhile, supporters of the Turan project should not forget that such geopolitical and geo-economic integration, contrary to the interests of Russia, Iran, China and India, can lead to serious contradictions and problems. This goes especially for Türkiye’s narrow connections with the rest of the Turkic world in Transcaucasia.
Alexander Svarants – Doctor of Political Science, Professor, Turkologist, expert on the Middle East
