Tehran introduces a package of new foreign policy goals and decisions.
Of course, the current political situation in the world and as it relates to Iran in particular, is characterized by a high degree of turbulence, with a number of “hot” and “smoldering” conflicts. In relation to these conflicts, Tehran has positioned itself as an active diplomatic player and has put forward proposals that align with the interests of some forces while they clash with those of others. But under all circumstances, Iran continues to demonstrate that it will follow its own course in relation to international affairs, and regional and global actors have to reckon with this.
A number of factors contribute to Iran’s importance on the international stage. These include:
– the country’s strategic geographical position in the Middle East;
– its access to the water basins of the Caspian Sea, the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman;
– its wealth of natural resources (especially its vast gas and oil reserves, making it a leader in global rankings);
– the many thousands of years and uninterrupted history of Persian statehood;
– its consolidating political ideology of Shi’ism;
– its economic and technological advances;
– its self-sufficient defense industry (according to a March report by Global Firepower, Iran is the 14th most militarily powerful country in the world based on 69 criteria, and is on the verge of possessing nuclear weapons);
– its effective corps of security forces and the fact that it controls proxy forces in other countries;
– its high potential in the field of international trade and transit transportation routes;
– its effective and mutually beneficial partnership with major global powers (primarily Russia, China and India);
– its increasing credibility in the Islamic world.
Iran’s new leadership, under President Pezeshkian, considers the normalization and progressive development of beneficial relations with all its neighbors to be a key priority in its foreign policy. It is no coincidence that his first visit after his inauguration was to Iraq, a country with which there remains a high potential for trade and economic relations, including the possible implementation of major transit and energy partnership projects.
Masoud Pezeshkian has also launched another package of initiatives aimed at boosting mutually beneficial cooperation with other neighbors (including Turkey, Pakistan, Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Turkmenistan) as well as with Saudi-Arabia and Egypt.
Turkey stands out in this group of countries. Iran considers relations with Turkey a “priority” and intends to increase bilateral trade to $30 billion. As Masoud Pezeshkian puts it, “Turkey is our friend and our brother.”
Iran also proposes to restore diplomatic relations with Egypt and establish good neighborly ties with Cairo as it views Egypt as a “friendly, brotherly and Muslim country.”
Masoud Pezeshkian has thanked China for mediating the restoration of relations with Saudi Arabia, the key state in the Middle East, and has stated that he aims to strengthen the partnership with Riyadh and that he has invited Prince Mohammed bin Salman and the Saudi Prime Minister to visit Iran. In a similar sequence, the Iranian president is also seeking to promote friendly relations with Jordan.
Tehran considers the Islamic community and a shared anti-Israeli course to be an important platform for regional rapprochement, and sees this as more important than exporting its own (Shiite) brand of Islamic revolution. In particular, according to Pezeshkian, the integration of the Islamic world will prevent Israel from attacking Palestine and other Arab countries with impunity.
Tehran seeks to eliminate the borders between Islamic countries
As part if this project, the Iranian leader has proposed a new initiative: to eliminate borders between Islamic countries and integrate them along the lines of the European Union, which would help to avoid serious clashes between these countries, expand the opportunities for economic and cultural cooperation, and increase the security of the member states of this Islamic Union. Another question is whether Tehran’s optimistic ideas are realistic at present, given the current differences of opinion and disputes between these Islamic states (such as Turkey’s long-standing membership of NATO, the tendency for certain Arab monarchies to enter into close partnerships with the US, and their reluctance to enter into a united front opposed to Israel).
Undoubtedly, one new element in President Pezeshkian’s diplomatic initiatives is his focus on returning to the implementation of the 2016 Iran nuclear deal, which is primarily dependent on the reliability and willingness of the Western countries, led by the United States. Iran today says that it is willing to honor previous agreements, provided they are honored by the West.
“We cannot act without their consent,” Masoud Pezeshkian notes. “We adhered to the legal framework, but they withdrew from the agreement… If they want peace, they have to go back to their commitments.”
However, for Tehran the nuclear deal means not just giving up the possibility of obtaining nuclear weapons, but also obtaining a new form of security that would protect it from external threats that could only otherwise be deterred by obtaining weapons of mass destruction. Iran has also declared its readiness to negotiate with the US and Europe on the issue of lifting (or easing) economic sanctions and bringing Iranian goods and raw materials to the European market.
Pezeshkian has demonstrated a peaceful attitude toward the US, but also hopes for a similar attitude from the Americans.
“They should not tear up what we signed… First they should show that they are not hostile to us, and then we also will have no problem with them. We did not impose sanctions against the Americans, and we did not set up military bases near their borders. It was they who imposed sanctions against us. We are brothers even with the Americans and we have no problems with them,” Masoud Pezeshkian added.
These initiatives from Iran’s newly elected president, of course, have a certain romantic quality to them, and achieving them will be much harder than proclaiming them. For example, the formation of an Islamic Union would face numerous obstacles, given the continuing serious disagreements between Muslim countries, the presence of NATO in the region and Turkey’s membership of that body, and especially the manipulative policies of Israel. To no small extent, the issue of lifting sanctions will continue to put pressure on relations between the West and Iran, especially in view of the ongoing political and military crisis in the Middle East and the USA’s hardline focus on Israel.
Moreover, in Iran the president is not solely responsible for important decisions, which require the support of the opinion of the Supreme Leader, or Rahbar, Ali Khamenei. It is important not to underestimate the role of conservative forces in Iran, especially the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, which may not support Pezeshkian’s “liberal” approach.
Iran and Russia are close to achieving a historic breakthrough in bilateral relations.
Pezeshkian has reaffirmed Iran’s focus on developing multilateral relations and strategic partnerships with China and Russia. Emphasizing the existence of a key 25-year agreement with Beijing, the Iranian president added that Tehran intends to develop more active and mutually beneficial relations with the BRICS countries.
Meanwhile, in view of the recent meeting on security issues between senior representatives of the BRICS countries, held in the Russian city of Saint-Petersburg, and the talks between Russian President Vladimir Putin and the head of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, Ali Akbar Ahmadian, it is now possible for the two countries to consider accelerating the process of drafting a comprehensive strategic cooperation agreement. Shortly after those talks, on September 17, Sergei Shoigu, the Secretary of Russia’s Security Council, visited Tehran for negotiations with his counterpart Ali Akbar Ahmadian and with Masoud Pezeshkian, as a result of which the two countries achieved a breakthrough in bilateral relations in negotiating and approved the said long-term strategic cooperation agreement, which was also greeted warmly by Russian leader Vladimir Putin. The two countries, based on a respect for each other’s interests, were also able to reach an understanding on various promising proposals for international transport corridors.
It can be assumed that the upcoming summit between the BRICS Heads of State, to be held in Kazan in October, will be a powerful political event on a global scale, and it is highly likely that the strategic cooperation agreement between Russia and Iran will be signed at this event. Such a document will confirm the high level of ties between the two countries and lay the foundation for important changes in the development of the countries of the Global South. It will also enable the parties to embark on the implementation of profitable and ambitious energy, trade, economic, transit and transportation projects, among others, and also boost security and peace in the region.
Alexander Svarants—Doctor of Political Sciences, Professor, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”
