The week-long visit to Mongolia by the current Japanese monarch and his spouse, which began on July 6, has become one of the notable events in the overall trend of increasing political activity among all members of the Imperial House of Japan—both internationally and domestically.
The Imperial Couple in current domestic political events.
This year, one of the most significant aspects of Japan’s domestic political life revolves around everything related to the 80th anniversary of the end of the Pacific War—a key part of World War II. At the same time, both participants in the current U.S.-Japan alliance cannot avoid, no matter how much they might wish to, some form of response to a number of tragic episodes from the final phase of that war.
Among these events, the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki remain the most widely publicized. However, the battles in the final stages of the war were also extremely bloody. This particularly applies to the Battle of Iwo Jima (now Iōtō), which held critical strategic importance. For many years now, former enemies have jointly held memorial ceremonies honoring the soldiers from both sides who perished in the battle. It is worth noting that these ceremonies are conducted in a very modest and restrained manner, involving only a few soldiers carrying national flags, representatives of religious groups, and high-ranking officials of the current government. On April 7 of this year—marking the 80th anniversary of the end of the Battle of Iwo Jima—the imperial couple took part in such a ceremony.
In early June, the Emperor, accompanied by his wife and daughter, paid tribute to those who perished in the Battle of Okinawa—the last large-scale engagement in the Pacific theater. This battle was marked by particularly grim atrocities against civilians, including those committed by the Japanese side. To this day, there remains reluctance to discuss, for instance, the mass suicides of Okinawans incited by the “patriotic” propaganda of that era.
Members of the Imperial House consistently perform memorial rituals for those who died in battles on foreign soil – notably in Indonesia and the Philippines, where it should be noted that burial sites are properly maintained not only for soldiers of the liberating nations but also for Japan’s fallen.
Emperor Naruhito and his spouse visited Hiroshima on June 19. Nevertheless, the main international-scale event will take place in Nagasaki on August 9. It is worth noting that for the first time since 2022, Russia’s ambassador to Japan has been invited to attend.
As these tragic anniversaries approach, we can reasonably expect increased activity from various propaganda hustlers actively engaged in “transferring the past into the present.”
It should be noted that in China, where importance is placed on preserving the memory of the recent dramatic period in relations with Japan, they do not engage in quasi-historical speculation. In other words, they act quite pragmatically and for the benefit of the general course aimed at maintaining at least some positivity in current Japan-China relations. For the current “stakes” in these relations, as indeed in Russia-Europe relations, are unprecedentedly and even unacceptably high.
The Imperial Couple in Mongolia.
The visit of the Imperial Couple to Mongolia in the first half of July became a highly notable event within Japan’s broader strategy to strengthen its position in Mongolia. While the event was not supposed to contain any current political component, in reality—and undoubtedly—such an element was indeed present.
Since the dissolution of the USSR, when Russia left its former allies “to their own devices,” Mongolia’s foreign policy – as one of the recent coalition members – has gradually developed an entirely new trend: the search for a “third neighbor.”
It should also be noted that the “third neighbor” is more of a generalized concept than any specific country. Although candidates for this role have long been clearly identified. Primarily, these are of course the United States, which in developing interstate relations with Mongolia pays particular attention to the defense sector.
However, Japan’s presence in this country is becoming increasingly noticeable. Tokyo’s interest, which has significant historical underpinnings, maintains a highly relevant and multifaceted nature. Nearly the primary aspect today stems from Tokyo’s growing efforts to build relations with the Turkic-speaking world adjacent to Mongolia—particularly with Central Asian countries, the Uyghurs (who present considerable challenges for China), and Turkey itself. Incidentally, in 2015, the same Naruhito, then the Crown Prince, visited Turkey for the first time. Then, in December of last year, his younger brother (and current Crown Prince) Akishino traveled to Turkey on a visit, where he was received by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
In the early 2010s, Ulaanbaatar served as a discreet platform for Tokyo’s (unpublicized) negotiations with representatives of North Korea. These talks led to the arrival in Pyongyang in October 2014 of the head of the Japanese Foreign Ministry’s Asia and Oceania Affairs Department. However, these “clandestine dealings with the source of evil on the Korean Peninsula” were promptly and harshly curtailed by Tokyo’s “older brother.” Nevertheless, bilateral contacts appear to have continued, as evidenced by the exchange of positive signals in early 2024 between Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida and Kim Yo-jong, the “all-powerful” sister of Kim Jong-un.
The same Fumio Kishida had planned to visit Mongolia in August of last year. However, faced with the prospect of resignation, he had to settle for a meeting with Mongolian President Ukhnaagiin Khürelsükh on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly in New York. As for current Prime Minister S. Ishiba (also practically “on his last breath” politically), who is beset by numerous external and internal problems, such trips are completely out of the question at this time.
In this regard, we can reasonably assume that Emperor Naruhito addressed the entire accumulated political agenda of Japan-Mongolia relations during his aforementioned visit to the country with his spouse – where both received the warmest possible reception.
Princess Kako in Brazil
Princess Kako, daughter of the aforementioned Akishino and thus niece of Emperor Naruhito, was received no less warmly in Brazil. Outwardly, this trip also bore an “exclusively humanitarian” nature, primarily due to the presence of approximately three million ethnic Japanese residents in the country.
However, it is unlikely to be coincidental that Princess Kako’s current focus on Brazil (while ethnic Japanese reside in many other countries) aligns with the recent trend of Japan-Brazil rapprochement. This trend became particularly evident during Prime Minister S. Ishiba’s November visit to Rio de Janeiro for the G20 Summit last year, as well as during President Lula da Silva’s reciprocal visit to Japan this past March.
Modern Russia is undoubtedly closely monitoring all developments in the strategically vital Northeast and Central Asia region, of which Mongolia is an organic component. When formulating current political strategies here (though not exclusively here), there must be absolutely no place for the completely counterproductive nostalgia for the irrevocably lost recent past.
Vladimir Terekhov, expert on the issues of the Asia-Pacific region
