Democrats’ takeover of Congress threatens to turn Trump’s final two years into a political battleground of investigations, vetoes, and legislative deadlock. With the White House still firmly in Republican hands, how much can Democrats really do to stop him?
The Blue Wave: Trump’s Electoral Setback
The new Democratic Congress will take office on January 3, 2027. Until then, Republicans retain their existing congressional control. The main question that analysts are now asking is: will the United States keep the current foreign policy if the leadership is changed? Will the US continue to pressure its European allies, in particular NATO, and continue its aggression against Iran?
What does a “Democratic win” mean?
A strong control of both houses will provide Democrats with robust congressional and legislative powers against the Trump administration. One of the major tools they can use to limit Trump’s decision-making power is the congressional investigative and subpoena powers. Democratic lawmakers could launch investigations into the Trump administration’s decisions concerning Europe, Canada, Latin America, and particularly Iran. With congressional subpoenas, individuals will be compelled to provide testimony or produce relevant records, subject to applicable legal protections.
Second, Democrats could impeach Trump. In January 2026, Trump already told the Republican lawmakers, “You have to win the midterms because if we don’t win the midterms, it’s just going to be—I mean, they’ll find a reason to impeach me.” According to the US Constitution, the House of Representatives is solely authorised to bring charges of impeachment against the president. If the Democrats get enough backing, they will be able to charge the president with treason, bribery, and high crimes and misdemeanours.
Congress also possesses the ‘power of the purse,’ through which Democrats could use budget negotiations to challenge or restrict particular elements of Trump’s policy agenda. Trump’s Iran war spending, proposed extravagant White House renovations, and ambitious Golden Dome missile-defence programme could face increased congressional scrutiny. Democrats could seek to restrict funding, impose conditions on expenditures, or even block additional allocations for specific initiatives. Democrats could also invoke the War Powers Resolution to challenge the continuation of US military operations in Iran, which could further hamper Trump’s plans.
Moreover, Democrats could obstruct Trump’s legislative priorities by refusing to advance bills supporting his domestic agenda. As the Senate exercises confirmation powers over key presidential appointments, Democrats could delay or reject Trump’s nominees, including Cabinet officials and federal judges. In particular, judicial appointments could become a significant source of confrontation because federal judges hold considerable influence over the interpretation of presidential powers and the legality of executive actions.
What options does Trump have after losing Congress?
“I have the ultimate power—it’s called ‘veto,’” President Trump told CBS News. This could be the very first option Trump might use. Trump could veto democratic legislation. This means that if they tried to alter Trump’s Iran war policies or those against NATO, Trump would have substantial power to veto them. To override Trump’s veto and turn the bill into law, the Democrats would need the support of two-thirds of the members voting in both chambers, provided a quorum is present. Given the expected composition of the new Congress, securing such a supermajority would be highly unlikely.
In case of a serious deadlock with Democrats, Trump could continue relying on emergency powers available under existing federal legislation. The National Emergencies Act (NEA) of 1976 provides a framework for declaring national emergencies, which can activate specific statutory powers available to the president. Soon after assuming the Oval Office on January 20, 2025, Trump declared a new national emergency concerning the U.S. southern border and a separate unilateral “national energy emergency.” On the same note, Trump can invoke this law once again. While Democrats might get a majority vote to stop such rulings, again, Trump could possibly veto their decision. While talking to CBS News, Trump said, “Historically, you veto for a couple of months, and then they come and say, ‘We’ve got to make a deal.’”
This leads us to the third option, which is to negotiate with the Democrats to avoid long-term congressional deadlock. After the announcement of the midterm results, Trump told the New York Times, “I am absolutely willing to accept those results” and promised to “work with the Democrats.” Democrats also know that if they push Trump hard, he could easily start retaliating. A divided Congress does not necessarily mean a complete reversal of American domestic or foreign policy. Trump would retain considerable executive authority, particularly in foreign affairs, while Democrats can only constrain his agenda through oversight, legislation, and budgetary restrictions. The deepening partisan divide in Washington could make political interests and electoral calculations increasingly influential in shaping domestic and foreign policy decisions.
Will Trump be impeached?
There are three different terms, including the investigations, impeachment, and removal, which must be distinguished properly. Yes, with a majority in both houses, Democrats could launch a web of investigations to pressure the opposition and limit their decision-making powers. Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer has categorically said, “Whenever Trump defies the will of the American people or the law, we will launch investigations, take him to court, and entangle him in legislative razor wire.”
However, impeachment and removal from office are two separate constitutional processes. The House of Representatives can impeach Trump through a simple majority vote, and the president has no constitutional authority to veto impeachment proceedings. Thus, the Trump administration could face recurring investigations, congressional hearings, and judicial challenges. Although Democrats could impeach Trump through a simple majority in the House, removing him from office would require a two-thirds majority of senators present to convict him. Unless a significant number of Republican senators break ranks, his removal would remain unlikely.
Conclusion
Even though Trump has lost Congress, the presidency remains an arena of contestation. Given that he continues to hold the powers of office, the White House could very well turn into an arena of vetoes, investigations, political brinkmanship, and foreign policy manoeuvring. However, amid preparations for the upcoming two years of political showdowns in the capital, there is one thing that can be said for sure — the road to 2028 will not be easy. Thus, the battle for the White House may be far from over, but the clock is ticking, the walls are closing in, and Washington is bracing for a political storm that could define Trump’s final two years in power.
Aleena Im is an independent researcher and writer and is interested in international relations and current affairs
Follow new articles on our Telegram channel
