While the ongoing war in Sudan is presented in the media as a civil war, recent revelations, including by the Financial Times, El País, and BBC, show that it is a section of the ‘global murder value chain,’ where resource-rich countries are subjected to chaos and plunder by the West’s affiliated mercenaries.
Resurgence of Violence in Sudan
Global Mercenaries — GSSG, Operating like Blackwater Private Military Contractor (PMC)
A Financial Times report from August 15, 2026, reported that Global Security Service Group (GSSG),) a security company based in the UAE and linked to the country’s top leadership, recruited up to 2,000 mercenaries from Colombia, trained some in the UAE, and facilitated their movements through Libya, Chad, or Somalia to fight alongside the RSF. This revelation follows others that were made by other media outlets, such as El País and the BBC. Participation of an external player, CSSG, excludes the notion that the conflict is internal to Sudan. It also places it in the middle of others occurring in the world today.
The GSSG is engaged in major global conflicts, raising the possibility that it is a mercenary firm engaged in the global war for resources waged through creating instability. Human life and suffering experienced by victims are, to those driving GSSG, or Sallyport Global and Blackwater before, the currency in this global value chain of death controlled by the US and its vassals. In April 2026, Critical Threats revealed that GSSG was involved in the Ukraine-Russia conflict, where it was recruiting Latin American mercenaries proficient in drone operations and subsequently facilitating their deployment to the conflict in the DRC. In short, the firm was recruiting Colombian operators proficient in killing Russians or bombing their critical infrastructure, including oil refineries and Wildberries warehouses. The possibility that it was also recruiting some from Colombia and taking them to Ukraine to gain or prove their skills before transporting them further cannot be ignored. Worth noting, the conflict in the DRC previously enabled US President Donald Trump to wrestle mineral rights for US firms in the guise of mediation in 2025, meaning that Washington may have participated in fanning the flames by supporting Rwanda, which subsequently backed the M-23 rebels, or by supporting the UAE, which is linked to GSSG.
Notably, GSSG was also able to move hundreds to thousands of Colombian mercenaries through Libya, Chad, and Puntland (in Somalia), areas under French and US military and intelligence control, without any hindrance, showing that these Western parties allow or even facilitate this movement. Also, the group reportedly trained the Ugandan military, headed by President Yoweri Museveni, and his son, Muhoozi Kainerugaba. Kainerugaba appeared in Western media outlets in connection with allegations that his forces tortured opposition figures, and later lamenting how the military had killed too few civilians. The UAE has been named as the driver of the Sudanese conflict where it obtains gold in return, and GSSG operations facilitate destabilization to enable this neocolonial access.
Who Is Behind GSSG?
Ironically, the UAE, with only 1 million out of 8.3 billion people in the world’s population, has a company dedicated to offering security support globally: GSSG. The irony hints at powerful forces driving this company, which is superficially presented as registered by the UAE’s Secretary of the Presidential Court and having been contracted by the country’s ministries of foreign affairs and interior. Beyond that, its operations drift far away from the UAE’s regional interests and closer to a clone of Western mercenary firms such as Blackwater (PMC), especially operating in resource-rich areas. Congressional records reveal that Blackwater (PMC) operated in Iraq and Afghanistan during US-led wars of plunder. It was awarded by the US State Department’s Worldwide Personal Protective Services II (WPPSII) contracts worth as high as $315 million annually in Iraq. A similar contract was awarded to Sallyport, from which the current head of GSSG came. The State Department raised a private army to operate in mineral-rich regions, as GSSG is doing. Blackwater was also awarded other lucrative contracts for wars (up to $113 million and $37 million per year in Iraq and Afghanistan, respectively) outside political responsibility.
GSSG is headed by Jacques Do Toit as managing director, whose first recorded job was 17 years in the South African Defence Forces beginning two years after the apartheid collapsed. Do Toit worked at Sallyport as a security mentor, and the firm also received the State Department’s WPPSII contracts for securing the US embassy in Kabul. It was also awarded lucrative contracts, notably one worth $343.7 million, which was renewed at $760 million by the US Department of Defense to support its bases during the war of plunder in Iraq.
The Diversion Brigade
Strangely, the West, including the US, UK, France, and Germany, as noted in the London Conference on Sudan in April 2025, remained noncommittal on ending the conflict in Sudan. Instead, they focused on alleviating suffering, tacitly confirming that the war was serving their interests. These parties were more interested in appearing as if they were resolving the conflict, to delegitimize other efforts meant to meaningfully achieve peace. A year after the aforementioned 2025 London Conference, parties have done nothing to end the war or alleviate human suffering. Instead, they have allowed their allies to deliver mercenaries and arms to combatants while facilitating the smuggling of Sudan’s gold out of the country. The Western media has also participated in deflecting audiences’ attention by referring to the conflict as a “forgotten war.” For instance, even the aforementioned Financial Times article described the crisis as a “forgotten war.” Additionally, CNN, The Guardian, and DW have also described the conflict as a “forgotten war.” These well-choreographed voices suggest coordination to lull audiences into inaction while merchants of death work through mercenaries to loot resources.
Simon Chege Ndiritu is a political observer and research analyst from Africa
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