The US approach to Georgia is still shaped by the need to contain rival actors in Georgia and expand NATO influence.
Therefore, the United States developed its relations with Georgia as part of its broader strategy in the South Caucasus region, in order to contain Russia and advance its geopolitical and geoeconomic interests.
Military-security cooperation through programs such as the Georgia Training and Equipping Program (GTEP) and the Georgia Sustained Operations Program (GSSOP), Georgian military training, International Military Education and Training (IMET), and counterterrorism have been a major pillar of U.S.-Georgia relations. NATO has officially designated Georgia as “one of NATO’s closest partners. The establishment of the NATO-Georgia Commission and the subsequent opening of a Joint Training and Evaluation Center in Georgia in 2015 were examples of successful cooperation.
Washington has also provided more than $6.2 billion in economic assistance through institutions such as the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) for infrastructure projects, education, and support for businesses and economic reforms.
Recent Challenges and Tensions
U.S.-Georgian relations have faced ongoing challenges in recent years. In April 2023, the United States imposed Visa restrictions on some Georgian officials, a decision that Georgia condemned.
In May 2024, the United States announced that it would reassess its cooperation with Georgia due to its Foreign Influence Transparency Act. The law targets entities that receive more than 20 percent of their funding from abroad. So, Washington announced Visa restrictions for certain individuals, and about $390 million in planned aid to Georgia was halted.
In August 2024, Washington also suspended the planned Noble Partner joint military exercise “indefinitely.” The US imposed sanctions on several Georgian officials in September 2024.
On October 26, 2024, Mikheil Kavlashvili and the Georgian Dream party won parliamentary elections. But allegations of electoral fraud and criticism from the United States and the announcement of the suspension of Georgia’s EU membership talks have worsened relations. The suspension of the US-Georgia Strategic Partnership Charter in November 2024 had more negative consequences for Washington-Tbilisi relations. Apart from supporting the protests in Tbilisi, the United States sanctioned the leader of the ruling Georgian Dream party in December 2024.
Georgia’s position in the Trump administration
Although Georgia welcomed the election of Donald Trump as US president and hoped for a normalization of Georgian-US relations, even in February 2025, Georgia became the sole sponsor of a US resolution on the war in Ukraine. But a set of reasons remains challenging. From the Georgian’s perspective, the recent law is necessary to protect national sovereignty, and instead of blackmail and threats, a healthy dialogue should be held.
However, from the perspective of many in the US, the Georgian Dream party is seeking partnerships with Russia, Iran, and China, threatening Georgia’s relations with its Western allies. The Foreign Agents Act should also be repealed.
The US law of May 5, MEGOBARI, also seeks to impose sanctions on Georgian Dream party officials and to return Tbilisi to the Western path by countering “Chinese, Iranian and Russian influence in Georgia.” Of course, the United States’ goal is national interests, and an anti-American government that governs a significant part of the world is not in its best interest. Meanwhile, the 2025 US budget also mentions strengthening democratic governance, strengthening Georgia’s capabilities against Russia, and integrating with Euro-Atlantic institutions.
In fact, from the United States’ perspective, Georgia still has a key geopolitical strategic position and is still wary of Tbilisi’s full convergence with Moscow, Beijing, or Tehran.
Although Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze said in February that strategic cooperation with the United States and Georgia could be revived during the presidency of Donald Trump, and that Georgia is ready. However, after an open letter to the US President and Vice President, he said on May 15 that Georgia is still waiting for the resumption of bilateral relations with the United States.
Tbilisi continues to emphasize approaches such as partnership with China and considers recent US sanctions and approaches such as the MEGOBARI law against Georgia as hostile. Many in Georgia believe that the West wants Georgia to open a front against Russia. From this perspective, even funds through the US Embassy, USAID, NED, and the like are not “real aid” and are used to incite radicalism and hatred, organize revolutions, etc.
Outlook
The visit of Georgian Deputy Prime Minister Levan Davitashvili to the United States on April 26 did not bring any progress, and after the MEGOBARI law, a new wave of criticism against the United States has occurred in Georgia.
As Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze described the current US-Georgian relationship as “active-negative,” Ivanishvili said he would refrain from high-level talks as long as personal sanctions and “blackmail” remain in place.
What is clear is that US-Georgian relations are at an all-time low. However, Washington appears to be weighing whether to increase pressure or reduce tensions.
The US approach to Georgia is still shaped by the need to contain rival actors in Georgia and expand NATO influence.
However, Trump’s pragmatic approach, Trump’s attitude toward China and Iran, and Trump’s interest in reducing tensions with the Kremlin, and less attention to democratic values, may lead to a relative improvement in US-Georgian relations.
In contrast, while Georgia’s domestic policies pursue limiting foreign financing and its foreign policy pursues diversification, hedging, and “multilateralism,” in practice, further US pressure may impose restrictions on US activities in Georgia. In these circumstances, the future of relations also depends on the continuation of Georgia’s domestic policy, sanctions decisions, and Washington’s pressure against Tbilisi, as well as global geopolitical competitions.
Samyar Rostami, а political observer and senior researcher in international relations
