This December will commemorate exactly half a century since Japan and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which comprises ten nations now, nearly every nation in the subregion (with the exception of Papua New Guinea and East Timor), established formal diplomatic ties. Observe that the “issue price” of control is steadily rising at this point in the Big World Game.
The subregion is also becoming more significant in Japan’s foreign policy, which is returning to the game as a major player following its defeat in World War II.
But let us not forget that the same strategic drive of Imperial Japan to the southwest was the primary cause of the “Asian-Pacific branch” of the World War II eighty years ago. With intentions to remain permanently at the intermediate station named “Southeast Asia”. Then, because some of the world’s most powerful nations didn’t like it, the World War II “branch” was started.
However, circumstances have changed, and now Japan’s principal adversary at the time supports almost all of its tactical moves southwest. But it’s crucial to remember that Japan has modified the primary tool used to carry out this “second edition” of the strategy. Japan has been utilizing its fast expanding economy in the first half of the past 60 years to rebuild and consolidate its political dominance in the world at large, and in SEA in particular.
However, the use of military equipment in this procedure has increased significantly in recent years. It has primarily been used thus far in tandem with the United States, a crucial ally, and Australia, one of its closest regional foreign policy allies. In a similar way, India is looming on the horizon and becoming increasingly visible.
The shift from the prewar period in the “order of moves” in the predominant use of economic and military instruments had the most positive repercussions for Japan’s overall process of establishing political authority, particularly in the SEA countries.
The Official Development Assistance (ODA) program, which has been run by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs since 1954, was one of the most important and effective components of the economic instrument. According to experts, ODA was a “phenomenon of modern world economic history,” allowing Japan to establish itself as “an aid superpower, surpassing even the United States in annual aid flows.” It should be noted that the above formulations are used in a study on the role of ODA in the development of Japan’s relations with ASEAN countries.
It should therefore come as no surprise that practically every nation in the area has responded so favorably to Japan’s broad activity here. This is made possible by another very significant aspect brought about by the primary occurrence of the current Big World Game stage, which is China’s emergence as the second world power with increasingly global ambitions. Naturally, though, Beijing’s claims of this type mostly relate to the adjacent Southeast Asian subregion. To which, by the way, Taiwan is directly adjacent.
Once more, the publishing of a series of “standard maps” depicting the territory of China proper and other parts of the world in late August served as an outline for these claims. Many ASEAN nations, including Vietnam, the Philippines, and Indonesia, the biggest SEA nation, responded negatively to this. For an extended period, nearly every ASEAN member state has Beijing as its primary commercial partner, and in recent times, Beijing has advocated for a policy of mitigating issues in these relations.
As a result, we reiterate that it appears reasonable that the three (but not the only) nations in the area would be in favor of China’s geopolitical rivals’ efforts to increase their overall influence in this area. Which primarily includes, of course, the United States. However, the reception to Japan’s “return” to Southeast Asia is also largely favorable.
On the eve of the 50th anniversary of the establishing relations with ASEAN, the current Japanese government is already hosting a number of events against this general political and economic backdrop. Their key element was the delegations of government officials and members of the imperial family visiting the countries in the region.
And first of all, if we exclude the “ritually obligatory” attendance at the British Queen Elizabeth II’s burial, let us highlight the emperor and the empress’s first overseas trip, a state visit to Indonesia in June of this year, following their investiture in 2019. However, it should be mentioned that the Japanese constitution, in effect since 1947, states that the emperor’s position is primarily symbolic and representative. That is to say, Emperor Naruhito did not discuss any particular policy goals in regards to the leading ASEAN nation during this visit.
However, it doesn’t appear that the “goodwill diplomacy” significance connected to this journey was thought of at all. Notable was the imperial couple’s visit to the Jakarta cemeteries of Indonesian and Japanese troops who lost their lives in World War II. Citing, among other things, his “diplomatic past,” during his visit to Indonesia, Emperor Naruhito expressed his aspirations of “deepening friendly relations between the two countries.”
Japan’s Crown Prince Akishino and Crown Princess Kiko visited Vietnam from September 20 to September 24, marking the 50th anniversary of the two countries’ diplomatic relations being established. Several equally significant events that shared the same symbolic plan took place during this visit. Specifically, the heir apparent and his wife paid a visit to the mausoleum of Ho Chi Minh, the founder of modern-day Vietnam.
Political details in the region fell under the purview of the newly appointed Foreign Minister, Yoko Kamikawa, who traveled to Brunei, Vietnam, Laos, and Thailand in quick succession during the first half of October. Summarizing the results of this tour, one of the leading Japanese newspapers, Yomiuri Shimbun, also notes that the countries of Southeast Asia became the first after Yoko Kamikawa’s appointment to the post as head of Japanese foreign policy diplomacy.
The trip to Vietnam, where she met with her Vietnamese counterpart in particular, is considered one of the tour’s most important events. The goal to improve bilateral relations in a number of sectors is highlighted in the Japanese Foreign Ministry’s report on the meeting. The summer visit of the Izumo helicopter carrier, accompanied by a Japanese destroyer, to Cam Ranh Port this year is specifically mentioned.
It should be mentioned, too, that Yoko Kamikawa’s first overseas visit was made a little earlier in relation to her representation of Japan at the next UN General Assembly. Among the important events in this prestigious organization’s direct work domains that Yoko Kamikawa attended, we will specifically mention the regular ministerial conference of the Quad member nations. This occasion once more revealed Japan’s top overseas allies, who both collectively and separately are becoming more well-known throughout the Indo-Pacific region and, most importantly, in Southeast Asia. This was especially evident in the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ report on this conference.
A special summit is scheduled for December of this year to wrap up the celebration of 50th anniversary of Japan-ASEAN ties.
Interest was piqued by an editorial piece in the same Yomiuri Shimbun report that was written by the rector of Prefectural University of Kumamoto and perfectly suited for the occasion. The piece discussed ASEAN’s continued existence as “meaningless”. Specifically, the organization with which the Japanese government is commemorating fifty years of extensive collaboration.
The author of this article has been waiting a long time for anything comparable to come from a reliable, knowledgeable source. For, in fact, it has been seen for a long time that there is a glaring disparity between the goals of this esteemed organization’s leadership and the real situation both inside and outside of it. More apparent are the “pulling apart” of individual ASEAN members by major global players and the inability to increase the proportion of domestic commerce from a third of the association’s overall trade turnover, as it has remained for decades. There is no progress being made in attempts to meddle in Myanmar’s domestic political affairs, despite pressure from Washington.
The SEA region and its member nations will endure, nonetheless, regardless of ASEAN’s future course. As a result, efforts to increase Japan’s overall presence in this region will continue.
Vladimir Terekhov, expert on the issues of the Asia-Pacific region, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.