An important new document has been added to a series of varied official measures taken by the US leadership to consolidate Taiwan’s position in a climate described in Washington as “wrought with growing pressure from Beijing.” The author is referring to the Taiwan Assurance Act (TAA), a part of the appropriations bill for FY2021 aimed at stimulating the US economy hit by the COVID-19 pandemic, that the US Congress passed on December 22, 2020.
House Resolution 273 and the pro-Taiwan bill were first introduced by US Representatives, Eliot Engel, a Democrat, and Michael McCaul, a Republican, respectively in April of last year. Typically, such documents do not digress and one can access the TAA’s contents here. Several points in the bill that describe its relevance and the need to pass it drew the author’s attention:
Section 2(3): “The security of Taiwan and its democracy are key elements of continued peace and stability of the greater Indo-Pacific region, which is in the political, security and economic interests of the United States.”
Section 2(5): “Taiwan and its diplomatic partners continue to face sustained pressure and coercion from the People’s Republic of China, which seeks to isolate Taiwan from the international community.”
Section 2(6): “It is the policy of the United States to reinforce its commitments to Taiwan under the Taiwan Relations Act in a manner consistent with “Six Assurances” and in accordance with the United States “One China” policy.”
At this point, brief explanations are in order. The Indo-Pacific region, mentioned in section 2(3), is not simply a part of USA’s sphere of influence, recently, it has become the focus of Washington’s foreign policy course, making the US grip over Taiwan a priority. Attempts to increase Taiwan’s involvement in various international organizations (as stipulated in section 2(5)) grew more and more noticeable once the Coronavirus pandemic began. In fact, the country’s success in handling the COVID-19 outbreak has been used to lobby the WHO to grant the island observer status within it once again. In Beijing, such developments are viewed as attempts to legitimize Taiwan’s sovereignty on the international stage.
The Taiwan Relations Act, enacted in 1979, essentially defines relations between the United States and Taiwan and by extension, with China. In addition, US President Ronald Reagan made Six Assurances to Taiwan in 1982. Both of the aforementioned documents are not regarded as binding according to international law in Beijing. Their contents were informed by realities of the Cold War when Washington, in its battle against the USSR, its archenemy, was forced to take PRC’s interests into account to a certain extent while still preserving a relationship of sorts with Taiwan.
After the Cold War ended, the need to consider the aforementioned interests vanished as well, and the promise to respect the One-China policy, as stated in section 2(6), looks like an oxymoron in view of everything else included in it as well as other parts of the TAA.
All the remaining provisions in this act are derived from underlying positions stated previously.
Section 3(2B): “The United States government urges Taiwan to increase its defense spending…”
Section 3(3): “The United States should conduct regular sales and transfers of defense articles to Taiwan…, including undersea warfare and air defense capabilities…”
In its entirety, section 4 of the TAA is dedicated to including Taiwan in international organizations.
By far the longest section, i.e. #5, focuses on various actions to be taken by the US Department of State. A key step entails the submission (“not later than 180 days after the date of the enactment of” TAA) of results of a review of the Department of State’s guidance regarding relations with Taiwan, including a description of the implementation of the so-called Taiwan Travel Act (TTA, enacted in March 2018) by the Secretary of State to the House of Representatives. The author would like to remind the readers that TTA-2018 allowed US and Taiwanese officials at all levels to visit Taiwan and the United States respectively and meet their counterparts, which could be interpreted as an important step towards establishing diplomatic relations between the USA and Taiwan.
In the second half of 2020, members of the outgoing US administration have already taken advantage of the aforementioned changes. At present, the agenda for fostering the Taiwanese–American bilateral relations includes the drafting of a free trade deal. According to section 3(4) of TAA, the US Trade Representative needs to resume meetings under the United States and Taiwan Trade and Investment Framework with the goal of reaching a trade agreement, which would entail visits to Taiwan by US officials.
Naturally, reactions to the latest pro-Taiwan bill, approved by US Congress, have been polar opposite in nature in Taiwan and the PRC. Taiwan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that the passage was “deeply appreciated by the government and people”, and that Taipei would “continue to deepen its cooperation and partnership with the US across the board”.
In response to the approval by US Congress of yet another bill supporting Taiwan in its confrontation against Beijing, Chinese newspaper, The Global Times, wrote that the Anti-Secession Law, enacted by National People’s Congress (i.e. PRC’s national legislature) in 2005, provided for the use of “non-peaceful means against the Taiwan independence movement”. Article 8 of this legislation states that the aforementioned actions will be taken if “Taiwan independence forces, under whatever name and method, accomplish the fact of Taiwan’s separation from China”.
In such a climate in recent months, with the United States increased focus on Taiwan and the surrounding region (including the South China Sea) as well as generally heightened tensions on account of the Taiwan issue, all branches of the PLA (People’s Liberation Army) have suddenly become more active. These developments have been turning Taiwan and its surroundings into one of the most volatile areas of the global political landscape.
Finally, it is worth noting that the current rapid escalation in tensions plaguing the China–United States relations is, by and large, the result of policies of the outgoing US administration or more precisely, the circle within it led by US Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo.
Although the incoming leadership will invariably start its term in a “rut” created by their predecessors (who, among other things, actively drafted and passed legislation), it is absolutely not necessary for the new administration to remain in it. And the author will not be surprised if they try to get out of it.
Vladimir Terekhov, expert on the issues of the Asia-Pacific region, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.
